Poverty and Race: The Primary Factors of the Dominican Republic’s Antagonism Toward Haiti, Not Really for the 1822—1844 Occupation / Plus a Thoroughly Juxtapositional Analysis…

 

 

Luders Allen

 

© Copyright 2012

June 1, 2012

 

 

 

Some historians, scholars and writers always tend to describe the cause of the animosity the Dominican Republic has felt toward Haiti on the 22 years Haitian occupation (1822—1844). The cause of the existing animosity between these two neighboring countries, Haiti and the Dominican Republic, has a profounder root than the occupation. The main factors are poverty and race—especially race. The occupation is one of the factors, nonetheless, it is not the primary factor.

 

Of course, any country would never want to be occupied by another country for whatever circumstances. But sometimes, on one hand, circumstances make it unavoidable. At the time, slavery was still being practiced in the Dominican Republic—the Eastern side of the island of Hispaniola. And the Dominican Republic was not military strong and powerful to fight against its former colonizer, Spain, in order to cease slavery in its territory.  And the Western side of the island of Hispaniola, Haiti, had already gained and taken its independence.

 

So, as at that time Haiti was the most powerful nation militarily and economically in the Caribbean as well as most powerful black nation in the world, and shared/shares the same island (i.e., Hispaniola), with the Dominican Republic, therefore Haiti had to carry out any course of essential action to prevent a re-establishment of slavery on the entire island, particularly the western side, Haiti. This was for the main reason Haiti invaded and occupied the Dominican Republic for 22 years (i.e., 1822—1844).

 

Another important reason for the Haitian occupation: Haiti had always seen the Dominican Republic as a part of its territory that had been split off. This was why during the post-Haitian occupation many Haitian governments had made numerous attempts to re-annex the Eastern part, the Dominican Republic, so as to make it and Haiti became one single nation, those attempts unfortunately had never been successful….

 

However, according to Moya Pons, at the time the Dominican lower classes had seen egalitarian in the Haitian’s government. Therefore, due to this justification, the Dominican lower classes greeted the Haitian troops and supported the Haitian occupation 100%. The President of Haiti, Jean Pierre Boyer, during the period of possession, gave free lands to the Dominican lower classes and abolished slavery in the Dominican Republic (cited in Sagás 1994).

 

Some historians, furthermore, have always described, then and now, the Haitian occupation,  i.e., 1822—1844, as one of the modestly economical growth and overall steadiness in the Dominican Republic. Nevertheless, Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, the former dictator and also the most influential pioneer of the (Antihaitianismo) anti-Haitianism ideology along with other racist-nationalist Dominicans, distorted the history and versioned it as the paramount cause of all Dominicans’ calamities (Baud 2002). Although the anti-Haitianism (Antihaitianismo) ideology rooted during the period of colonization, but more likely during the period of Haitian occupation, however, Trujillo emphasized it as a national doctrine and ordered Dominican people to perpetrate it against Haitians.

 

In addition, during the period of post-occupation, Haiti had already lost interest in invading the Dominican Republic. So in 1861, when Pedro Santana reannexed the Dominican Republic to Spain, the Haitian authorities gave sanctuaries, securities and supplies of all sorts to the Dominican revolutionaries to fight against the Spanish until the Dominican Republic’s independence was restored in 1865 (Sagás 1994).  

 

As stated earlier: the Haitian occupation in the Dominican Republic from 1822—1844 is not the main factor that creates hostilities between these two neighboring nations, all of these resentments and animosities the Dominican Republic feels toward Haiti, for the most part, lie on two folds: poverty and race—especially race.

 

E.g., If Haiti was a country of European origin and economically powerful, the Dominican Republic would not hold any resentment toward Haiti due to the occupation from the years 1822—1844. Dominican Republic finds it the norm to pridefully and respectfully accept and embrace Spain as its former colonist (and the Dominicans, then and now, admit it all the time). Why? Spain is a European country and historically was one of the most powerful colonists in the world, past centuries ago. And today, Spain is one of the most economically powerful countries in the world.

 

Another example: most Dominicans always want to be with Puerto Ricans and also are always ready to pridefully identify themselves as Puerto Ricans, especially the Dominican migrants that live in the United States. Again, why? Puerto Rico is a United States’ territory and most Puerto Ricans’ features are close to European’s features.

 

Racially and ethnically, the Dominican people are mixtures of Spanish (of Spain), African and Indian, the Natives (Taino/s) —but mostly Spanish and African because most of the native Indians were already exterminated by the colonists during slavery society in less than a century, thereafter substituted by the Africans— Therefore, based upon the mixtures of these three races, this is why there is a seemingly endless variety featured Dominicans. There are cassatra Dominicans (people who resemble White/European), Marabou Dominicans (people who resemble South East Asian Indian types and the Native Indians—Taino types), brown, mulatto and black Dominicans and so on… However, the majority Dominicans are mulattoes. Mulatto Dominicans make up about 77% of the population.

 

All of these mixtures of skinned complexions create a color wheel classification and a pseudo-race in the Dominican society. Most Dominicans embrace European’s influences and reject their African roots. If most Dominicans could declare themselves as members of the white race, they would do so. Since apparently it is impossible to do, it is as though they oblige to create their own race, from which has nothing to do with any African links. The mulatto and black Dominicans don’t want to be identified or identify themselves as mulatto or black Dominicans.

 

The reason to these ancestral refusals, most Dominicans find blackness is authentic African or African descent and mulatto has a link to African descent—a mixture of Black and White. So, anything that links to the black race or African background that mulatto, dark and black Dominicans are related to or identified with, they deny and reject it. This is to say, they have nothing to do with the black race or African background. 

 

Due to this terminological concept, the mulatto, dark and black Dominicans are always searching for a racial identity to fit themselves—of course not the black race. As Depestre argues, in such a manner most mulatto, dark and black Dominicans despise their African background and refuse to identify themselves with it, they prefer to be identified or identify themselves as Indio rather than African-Dominicans or black Dominicans. This means, Haitians are black, but Dominicans are not black (cited in Sagás 1994).

 

Since the word Indio is officially institutionalized in the Dominican society as a racial category, most Dominicans (i.e., black, dark and mulatto) are classified as Indio/s. It is only a few Dominicans who are identified as black or African Dominicans due to the term’s deprecatory insinuation and those with darker skinned complexion fall in the category Moreno (Sagás 2006). In fact, all these negations of African descents and the invention of categorically pseudo races in the Dominican society are due to a rejection and detachment from the black race.    

 

It is from this ideology of racism, i.e., hatred the black race and Haitians as members of the black race, that caused, in 1937, the former dictator of the Dominican Republic, Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, massacred cold-bloodedly more than 25,000 innocent Haitians. It was clearly evident that such slaughter was purely based upon race matter (and President Trujillo himself had always admitted that he was a racist). This slaughter was to prevent the Dominican population from being Africanized. To support his demonic act after the slaughter, he banned black immigrants, especially Haitians, to prevent them from coming into the Dominican Republic and encouraged Asians, white Americans and Europeans to come to live in the Dominican Republic just to mate with Dominican men and women in order to breed Dominican light skins and features close to that of European.

 

A Thoroughly Juxtapositional Analysis

 

Nevertheless, a thorough analysis on racism and racial stereotypes in the Dominican Republic need to be contrastingly discussed in a similar scheme term. The Dominican Republic is worldwide known as a racist country.  Lots of scholars, historians and writers always tend to focus and stress the most on the racism and racial stereotypes that exist inside the Dominican Republic and tactfully address (or even ignore) the same problems of racism and racial stereotypes that obscurely exist in all former colonial countries. Haiti is one of the examples.

 

While most Dominicans hate the black race, refuse to embrace their African’s background and prefer to be identified or identify themselves as Indio (those with darker skin Moreno), meantime most mulatto and black-skinned Haitians seemingly embrace their African background. Nonetheless, in the core of that embracement there are a negation and an aversion to blackness—black-skinned color. Most mulatto Haitians think their light-skinned color makes them superior to the black-skinned Haitians. And most black-skinned Haitians always have the envy to be in the circles of light-skinned or mulatto Haitians, or to be with light-skinned or mulatto lovers, or marry light-skinned or mulatto lovers in order to breed light-skinned or marabou children (this skinned-colored stereotype is based upon a mentality, i.e., black skin is a curse).

 

For instances, there are lots of beautifully blue-collar, professional and highly professional mulatto, dark-skinned and black-skinned Haitian women who would rather choose Dominican men, regardless their social status, over authentically educated African men and African-Haitian men. Why? These particular Haitian women would find those Dominican men attractive due to their light-skinned complexion and meantime find those authentically educated African men and African-Haitian men unattractive (ugly).   

 

The same tenets go as well to certain Haitian men. There are lots of blue-collar, professional and highly professional mulatto, dark-skinned and black-skinned Haitian men that have been spending a lot of money on Dominican women, regardless the status of these women. Why? Because these women are light-skinned complexion or feature close to the white race, thereby those particular Haitian men find these Dominican women attractive. Meantime, more likely, these Haitian men would neither spend money on native African women and African-Haitian women nor find native African women and African-Haitian women attractive, due to their black-skinned complexion (true love is colorless, as the proverb says: love is blind. It matters when it is not based upon content of character, rather skinned color stereotypes). Mr. Steele (1990: 43) argues that, ‘beside race problems that exist, black skinned folks are stereotyped the most more than any other skinned colors in America, if it is not in the whole world.’

However, the difference between the Dominican Republic with the rest of the former colonial countries in the world is that racism and racial stereotypes emphatically pervade the Dominican Society. To hate, to classify and to denigrate the black race are being culturally taught in every social aspect, from generation to generation. Therefore, to hate blackness it is something that is embedded in the mind of most Dominicans (Sagás 2006). Certainly, it is not going to be easy to convert a long time corrupt ideology into rationality. David Howard reports, there are even some Dominicans that claim their African roots and also sympathize with the poor Haitian sugarcane cutters-workers (Batayes) that have been inhumanly treated in the Dominican Republic; as a result, most racist Dominicans see these particular Dominican sympathizers as traitors (cited in Baud 2002). 

 

This is truly where the unlikeness of the Dominican Republic’s genres of practicing racism and racial stereotypes stands when comparing it with the rest of the former colonial countries. The Dominicans stress without prevarication on their ideology anti-Haitians and anti-blackness (African descent), whereas in the rest of the former colonial countries (and Haiti) anti-blackness obscurely exists and people evasively perpetrate it. Therefore, in a sense, in reality within the countries where pseudo-race and racial stereotype problems obscurely exist, these problems are more subtle and complex to resolve….

 

Today, some members of the new Haitian and Dominican generations are heading toward a pragmatic approach about the Haitian and Dominican relations. They are more active in engaging in activism and coalition organizations, such as Dominican Coalition of Solidarity with the Haitian Community in New York City, The Haitian League, Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees in Brooklyn and Fundacion Zile in the Dominican Republic and many more….

 

The main objective of these organizations is to put an end in the existing antagonism between Haiti and the Dominican Republic and also to combat the unjust, violence, human’s right violations and inhuman treatments the Haitian migrants are experiencing in the Dominican Republic. They organize meetings, where Dominicans interact with Haitians; and from time to time they organize fund raising activities and the profits are donated to humanitarian aids in order to help the poor Haitians and Dominicans, especially the poor Haitians. This is a very optimistic sign because previous Dominican generations were far beyond to such approach of pragmatism.

 

For instance, the 1996 Presidential Campaign in the Dominican Republic, between the populist, José Francisco Peña Gómez and the extreme conservative, Leonel Fernández, demonstrated a very good sign of how the new Dominican generation was / is orienting towards pragmatism. Mr. Gómez was an African-Dominican ([with supposed a Haitian ancestry…]). Despite the racist conservative Joaquín Balaguer, a veritable follower of Trujillo, an exaggerative nationalist, a former President of the Dominican Republic and also a genuine supporter of Leonel Fernández, had launched a series of dirty and nasty ads based upon racial stereotypes and anti-Haitian propaganda against Gómez on television, radio and in anonymous flyers, on the election day, almost half of Dominican people voted for Peña Gómez—46%. And the elected President, Leonel Fernández, more likely by fraud and adroit manipulation, won 51.25% of the votes. Almost 55% of Dominicans saw black-skinned color was (is) a problem. This is why they didn’t vote for José Francisco Peña Gómez (Baud 2002).

 

Although on one hand the 1996 Presidential Campaign in the Dominican Republic depicted some sign of progress on anti-Haitian and anti-blackness (anti-African descent) ideology, on the other hand, racism and racial stereotypes are still at large in the Dominican society. To this day, most Dominicans still see and believe that the black race and Haitians, as members of the black race, are inferior to them.

 

Clearly, antihaitianismo is far from over. New generations of Dominican intellectuals keep it alive by reproducing the same old myths and prejudiced arguments in slightly altered forms (Sagás 2006).

 

In consequence, it is very subtle so as to make Haiti and the Dominican Republic establish successfully diplomatic, politic and racial relations, since the antagonism most Dominicans feel toward Haitians lies on poverty and race—for the most part on race. And when it comes to racism and skinned-colored stereotypes that exist in the human race, thereby diplomacy, hypocrisy and politics have always been the major factors in humans’ race relations. And this is the most challenging and worst frontier of racism. 

 

David Howard, in his hypothesis on Dominican Anti-Haitian Ideology, he finds that anti-Haitian ideology is embedded in Dominican racial identity. He observes, in the United States, many Dominican migrants are racially identified as Black and establish a more Afrocentric racial identity. Nevertheless, he finds that when those Dominican migrants return back to the Dominican Republic, they re-adopt and re-claim the same old-pseudo-racial identity bias. Also, he finds that the Dominican New Yorkers tend to use Spanish skills to distance themselves from African Americans. He adds: As many Dominicans in the U.S. are identified as Blacks, so this racial identification propels them to embrace black American hip-hop culture. However, by embracing African American hip-hop culture does not necessarily mean their negative ideas about blackness and own pseudo-racial identity have changed (cited in Tavernier 2001 and Journal of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy 2011).

 

Having been discussed previously: in the realm of racism, hypocrisy and opportunism are the biggest challenges. Some racists tend to get alone well with black-skinned people under social circumstances. Meaning, when they are enduring the same hardship as most black-skinned people accustomed to, thereby circumstances of life make those racists get alone well superficially with black-skinned people; but, this does not mean their negative mind concepts about the black race are faded. Therefore, whenever opportunities luckily come forth to those racists, the racial gap between them and black people is reinstated.

 

E.g., during the period of the Haitian Revolution (at the time the entire island of Hispaniola was not yet divided between Haiti and the Dominican Republic), the Eastern part, which is now the Dominican Republic, had always allied with the Western part, which is now Haiti, in order to fight against their colonists. Once thereafter a retreat was made from either the colonists or the aggressors, the Eastern part distanced itself from the Western part.

 

Moreover, there was even a division among the slaves in the Western side. And this division was based upon a superior-skinned color ideology. In the South of the Western side, the majority of the slaves were mulattoes and light skins. The light-skinned slaves believed they were superior to the black-skinned slaves. As a result of this tenet, they could not  subordinate to the high-ranking-black-skinned slaves nor their slave leader, Toussaint L’Ouverture.

 

As Toussaint L’Ouverture, the pioneer of the Haitian Revolution, had always said, ‘it is always the Blacks [black skins…] who suffer the most’ (cited in James 1963: 152). E.g., Most of the black-skinned Haitians are the ones who live in dense poverty. Light-skinned Haitians and Haitians with complexion close to European features gain more privilege in all aspects in the Haitian society. In addition, most of the time, the light-skinned, mulatto and cassatra Haitians have always been the monopolies of the Haiti’s national economy. And in the political spectrum, they are always huge supporters of the bogus governments, politicians and leaders.

 

On one hand, not only the most light-skinned, mulatto and cassatra Haitians that have always been great supporters of undemocratic governments in Haiti, on the other hand, also all Dominican governments, from then and now. Dominican Republic has always seen Haiti as a threat, despite the densely existing poverty and political instability that exist within Haiti. Thereby, Dominican Republic is one of the countries that has always played a role to keep the government of Haiti in subordination. The more Haiti is preoccupied by unstable governments, political instabilities and dense poverty, the more secure Dominican Republic feels, in terms of national interests and more superior to Haiti in all social aspects.  

 

Badly unstable governments, politics and the abandonment and isolation of imperial capitalism on Haiti are the causes of its dense poverty. Historically, Haiti has been abandoned and isolated by most countries in the world. Some countries have begun to bring attention and seemingly give humanitarian aids to Haiti during the period of post earthquake. Before that most countries in the world had ignored and abandoned Haiti. And all of those countries had had a profound awareness about this old-existing poverty in Haiti. Why do those countries wait for so long to help a nation that is dying due to dense poverty? This is what the so-called diplomacy, politics and hypocrisy.

 

And poverty is the primary factor that drives mass of Haitians to cross the Dominican border to seek for a better life in the Dominican Republic. If the national economy of Haiti were at least at the level of that of Dominican Republic, those particular Haitians (i.e., border line crossers to the Dominican Republic) would never cross the border to migrate in order to do job cutting sugarcane, most Dominicans will not do, along with daily degradation, humiliation, violence, violation of human rights and slave-like treatments under the hands of Dominicans.

 

Emphatically, sugarcane is the primary-national product of the Dominican Republic. Therefore, the exportation of the sugarcane to the United States, few Asian countries and some European countries is where the Dominican Republic’s domestic economy relies upon. And the sugarcane cutters (employees) are the Haitian migrants that represent 90% of this labor force.  Because most Dominicans despise this type of job, they choose not to do it. Thereby, in a way, those Haitian migrants have their importance in the Dominican society. They should have been treated with decencies, not like slaves of the past slavery society.  

 

Therefore, if today Haiti is among one of the poorest nations in the world and Dominicans have been culturally and racially discriminating against Haitians that live in Haiti and in the Dominican Republic, this is due to isolation and weight of the world imperial capitalism on Haiti and also to greedy, selfish, unpatriotic and wicked Haitians.

So this is why apparently to these particular Haitians mentioned above, the anti-Haitianism (anti-blackness and anti-African descent) doctrine in the Dominican society is a fiction to them. They don’t show any sympathies at all regarding to what Haitian migrants have been going through in the Dominican Republic. They go on vacation there all the times to spend hundreds or thousands of dollars. Some big time Haitian entrepreneurs (millionaires and multi-millionaires) even invest hundreds of thousands of dollars or millions of dollars in the Dominican Republic.

To these particular Haitians, they don’t realize if they are contributing to the Dominican Republic’s economic growth, by going on vacation to spend hundreds or thousands of dollars there or investing hundreds of thousands of dollars or millions of dollars in it. Meanwhile, over 1 million of their compatriot Haitians are experienced all kind of inhuman treatments, such as racial prejudice, racial discrimination, physical violence, violation on their human rights and live an old-time-slave-like-style in the Dominican Republic.

As stated earlier: racism and racial stereotypes don’t exist only in the Dominican Republic, they also exist in whichever society and periodical time humans interact in this world. E.g., even in the biblical history blackness is portrayed as a symbol of badness, in writable and visual terms. In the 12 Apostles of Jesus the Christ, Judas Iscariot, the only black Apostle among them, is portrayed and known as the one who betrayed Jesus to the Jews. This human made’s infamous story-image is purely based upon racism and skinned-colored stereotypes.

Certainly, racism and racial stereotypes don't derive by nature, but are rather culturally and environmentally learning process that derive from humans’ power for supremacy, greed and ignorance. Racism is what causes, for the most part, poverty, turmoils and wars within this world. If humans could engulf ignorance and apply wisdom in their lives so as to acknowledge the essence and destiny of humans, humans could have lived with openheartedness in this world.

Racial categories and skinned-colored classifications are the labels institutionalized by humans in order to justify the superiority of one’s race over the other and superiority of one’s skinned color over the other. In reality, before the law of nature, under the skin all humans are equal. This is why all humans breathe the same air, share the same happiness, feel pains the same way, shed tears for the same causes, share the same hatred, share the same sadness and share the same destiny….   

 

After all, with the time, there’s nothing that says progressive change is impossible to make... As old generation Dominican/s with corruptive beliefs, thoughts and ideologies is being gone, new one/s will be emerged with rational beliefs, thoughts and ideologies. If old and young Dominicans put aside these corrupt ideologies (i.e., anti-Haitianism, Antihaitianismo, anti-blackness and anti-African descent) that had/has been implanted into their minds for so long and rationally recollect, without distortions, the essence and destiny of humans, a past history of how Haiti and the Dominican Republic share and find themselves on the same island of Hispaniola, maybe one day Haitians and Dominicans might live with openheartedness...

 

 

 

References

 

 

Baud, M. 2002. Race and Nation in the Dominican Republic, KITLV, New West Indian Guide, accessed 18 April 2012 
<http://www.kitlv-journals.nl>

 

James, C.L.R. 1962. The Black Jacobins. 2nd ed, New York: Vintage Books: A Division of Random House Inc.

 

Journal of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy. 2011. The Stigma of Blackness: Anti-Haitianism in the Dominican Republic, accessed 18 Avril 2012   

<http://sdonline.org/48/the-stigma-of-blackness-anti-haitianism-in-the-dominican-republic>

Sagás, E. An Apparent Contradiction? Popular Perceptions of Haiti and the Foreign Policy of the Dominican Republic, Bob Corbett corbetre@webster.edu, accessed 18 April 2012 <http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/mistopic/dominican/conception.htm>

 

Sagás, E. A Case of Mistaken Identity: Antihaitianismo in Dominican Culture, Backintyme, accessed 18 April 2012 
<http://thestudyofracialism.org>

 

Steele, S. 1990. The Content of Character. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

 

Tavernier, LaToya A. 2001. The Stigma of Blackness: Anti-Haitianism in the Dominican Republic, Socialism and Democracy online, accessed 18 April 2012 <http://sdoneline.org>

Mizè e Ras: Se Rezon Sa Yo Ki Fè Majorite Dominiken Pa Renmen Ayisyen, Pa Tèlman Poutèt Okipasyon 1822—1844 La / Plis on Jukstapoze Analiz de Kontras Ki Trè Rezonab…

Atik sa-a li orijinalman ekri an Anglè pa Luders Allen e li tradwi an Kreyòl Ayisyen pa Luders Allen.

 

 

Luders Allen

 

© Dwa 2012

1 Jen 2012

 

 

 

Gen on seri de istoryen, entèlektyèl e ekriven ki toujou genyen on tandans pou yo fè konnen rezon ki fè majorite Dominiken pa renmen Ayisyen se paske Ayiti te okipe Sen Domeng pou 22 zan (de ane 1822 jiska ane 1844). Vrè rezon majorite Dominiken pa renmen Ayisyen an gen on pli gwo rezon ke okipasyon-an. Vrè rezon yo se lamizè avèk  laras—espesyalman pou ras. Okipasyon-an se youn nan rezon yo, men se pa pli gwo rezon an.

 

An reyalite, pa gen on peyi kita renmen okipe pa on lòt peyi pou nenpòt sikonstans lan. Men nan on jan, gen de fwa gen sikonstans ki pa kapab evite on seri de bagay pou yo pa rive. Lè epòk sa, esklavaj te toujou ekziste an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn—pati Lès sou lil Espayola. E Repiblik Dominikèn pat genyen bon fòs ame pou li ta batay kont blan kolon Espayòl yo pou te kapab mete on fen nan esklavaj an dedan lakay li. E Ayiti ki sou pati Lwès lil la te gentan batay avèk blan kolon yo e li te genyen batay la jiskaske li te pran endepandans li.

 

Kòm epòk sa Ayiti se te peyi kite genyen pli gwo ekonomi e pli gwo fòs militè nan Karayib la epi se te pli gwo peyi nwa nan mond lan tou e li pataje menm lil avèk Repiblik Dominikèn, donk Ayiti te oblije fè tout mwayen ki nesesè pou li pat kite esklavaj te etabli ankò sou tout lil la, sitou pati Lwès la, Ayiti. Se te pou gwo manman rezon sa-a ki fè Ayiti te anvayi epi li te okipe Repiblik Dominikèn de ane 1822 jiska ane 1844.

 

Men, on lòt rezon ki trè enpòtan ki fè Ayiti te okipe Repiblik Dominikèn: Ayiti te toujou wè Repiblik Dominikèn kòm on pati nan tè li ke blan kolon yo pran yo divize li. Donk, se sak fè aprè peryòd okipasyon an, plizyè gouvènman Ayisyen fè plizyè tanta pou Ayiti ta retounen okipe Repiblik Dominikèn ankò. Son fason pou Ayiti te kapab pran pati tè sa, pati Lès lan, Repiblik Dominikèn, yo te pran nan men li an pou li te kapab fè li vini on sèl avèk Ayiti, sa vle di on sèl pèp (nasyon). Men se trè malere, tout tanta sa yo pat janm pote siksè.         

 

D’aprè Moya Pons, lè epòk sa Dominiken klas pòv yo te toujou wè gouvènman Ayisyen an kòm on gouvènman ki wè tout moun egal, donk tout moun merite menm dwa e menm opòtinite a. Se sak fè moun klas pòv Dominiken yo te resevwa sòlda Ayisyen yo ak kè kontan epi yo te sipòte okipasyon an 100%. E pandan okipasyon an, Prezidan Ayiti a, Jean Pierre Boyer, te bay tout moun klas pòv yo tè gratis e li te mete on fen nan esklavaj kite genyen an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn (site nan Sagás 1994: 2).

 

Gen menm on seri de istoryen ki toujou dekri okipasyon Ayisyen an an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn, pandan ane 1822 jiska ane 1844 la, kòm on peryòd ekonomi an pat trò mal nan Repiblik Dominikèn epi tout lòt aktivite an dedan peyi a tap mache trè byen san pwoblèm. Sepandan, se Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, ansyen diktatè Dominiken an, ki sanse kreye ideoloji bagay pou pèp Dominiken rayi Ayisyen an. Epi li menm te vin anfòse ideology a kòm on lwa nasyonal pou pèp Dominiken an kwè ladan, epi li fòse pèp Dominiken-an pratike li kont Ayisyen. Byenke bagay pa renmen Ayisyen sa sanse kòmanse nan peryòd kolonizasyon, men se plis nan peryòd okipasyon Ayisyen an li kòmanse.   

 

Ideoloji pa renmen Ayisyen sa baze sou koulè po nwa avèk kilti ayisyen an. Byenke gen anpil lòt Dominiken rasis e fo nasyonalis ki sipòte ideoloji sa tou, men Trujillo se li menm ki manman koze a. Epi bagay ki pi rèd, Trujillo avèk tout moun kap swiv li yo chanje l’istwa okipsyon an epi li entèprete li nan jan pal. Li di se okipasyon an ki koz tout pwoblèm pèp Dominiken an (Baud 2002).  

 

Pou ale pi lwen, menm lè epòk aprè okipasyon an, Ayiti pat entèrese ankò pou li te anvayi Ripiblik Dominikèn. An 1861, lè Pedro Santana te retounen bay blan Espayòl yo dwa nan Repiblik Dominikèn ankò, leta Ayisyen yo te ede revolisyonè Dominiken yo tout jan. Leta Ayisyen te bayo kay pou yo kache, sekirite e zam pou yo te batay kont blan Espayòl yo jiskaske endepandans Repiblik Dominikèn nan te vin sou plas ankò an 1865 (Sagás 1994).

 

Kòm sa diskite deja tou talè a: okipasyon Ayisyen an an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn nan, 1822—1844, se pa pli gwo pwoblèm ki kreye lahèn ant 2 peyi vwazen sa yo. Tout rayi majorite Dominiken yo rayi Ayisyen an chita sou pwoblèm lamizè avèk laras—sitou pou ras la. Pa ekzanp, si Ayiti se te on peyi orijin blan e li te gen gran ekonomi, Dominiken pa ta-p jan-m rayi Ayisyen pou tèt Ayiti te okipe Repiblik Dominikèn de ane 1822 jiska ane 1844.  Repiblik Dominikèn trouve se yon bagay ki nòmal pou Lespay te kolonize yo. E yo anbrase e yo aksepte Lespay avèk kè kontan kòm ansyen kolon yo (e yo admèt sa tout tan). Pou ki rezon? Se paseke Lespay se yon peyi blan e istorikman se te youn nan gwo kolon yo nan mond lan kombyen santyèm ane pase. E jodiya, Lespay se youn nan peyi nan mond lan ki gen gran ekonomi.  

 

On lòt ekzanp: majorite Dominiken toujou vle avèk Pòto Riken e yo toujou prè avèk kè kontan pou yo idantifye tèt yo kòm Pòto Riken, sitou pou imigran Dominiken sa kap viv  Ozeta Zini yo . Ankò, pou ki rezon? Pòto Rico se yon peyi teritwa Eta Zini (Ameriken) e majorite Pòto Riken sanble avèk blan.

 

Dominiken se yon nasyon ki konpoze de melanj Espayòl (blan ki sòti an Lespay), Afriken e Endyen (Endyen yo, Sen Domeng yo rele yo Taino) —men se plis blan Espayòl avèk Afriken paseke kolon yo te gentan detwi majorite nativ Endyen yo, epi yo te vin ranplase yo pa Afriken yo— Donk, sòti de melanj twa ras sa yo, se sak fè sanble genyen plizyè diferan konpleksyon Dominiken. Gen Dominiken casatra (moun ki sanble blan, men yo pa blan), gen Dominiken marabou, (moun ki sanble kankou Endyen ki fèt Ozend yo e moun ki kankou Endyen nativ yo), gen Dominiken bren, gen Dominiken milat e gen Dominiken nwa e gen plis toujou… Sepandan, majorite Dominiken se milat yo ye e yo refize moun idantifye yo kòm milat ou byen yo menm yo pa vle idantifye tèt yo kòm milat. Sepandan, majorite Dominiken se milat yo ye. Dominiken milat yo fè pati 77% de popilasyon an.

 

Tout melanj diferan de moun sa yo kreye on koulè klasifikasyon e li fè Dominiken yo kreye e reklame on ras ki pa fè pati kategori ras lòm nan (sa vle di yo envante ras payo) nan sosyete Dominiken an. Majorite Dominiken anbrase enfliyans Eropeen an e yo jete sous Afriken yo a. Si majorite Dominiken te kapab deklare tèt yo kòm blan, yo tap fè sa a. Kòm son bagay ki sanse li emposib pou li fèt, se kòm si ke yo oblije envante ras payo, ki pa gen anyen pou li wè avèk sous Afriken yo. Dominiken ki nwa la e milat la pa vle moun idantifye yo kòm nwa ni milat.

 

Pou ki rezon? Se paske moun nwa yo se vrè san Afriken e moun milat la yo gen san Afriken nan san yo—melanj blan e nwa. Nenpòt bagay ki gen pou-l wè avèk ras nwa la ou byen sous Afriken ke milat Dominiken an avèk nwa Dominiken an relativ e idantiffye avè-l, yo pa vle aksepte-l e pi yo jete-l. An reyalite, depi son bagay ki gen pou-l wè avèk ras nwa la ou byen sous Afriken, Dominiken pa gen anyen pou yo wè avèk li.  

 

Donk, tout bagay sa yo koz Dominiken milat yo e Dominiken nwa yo sitou toujou ap chèche pou yo idantifye tèt yo a on ras, men se pa ras nwa la. Jan ekriven Depestre diskite sitiasyon an, tèlman majorite Dominiken milat yo e nwa yo rayi sous Afriken yo, Dominiken ki nwa yo avèk Dominiken ki milat yo prefere moun idantifye yo kòm Indio ou byen yo menm yo idantifye tèt yo kòm Indio tan pou yo idantifye tèt yo kòm nwa ou byen Afriken-Dominiken. Pou ki rezon tout bagay sa yo se pou yo kabap detache tèt yo de sous Afriken ak Ayisyen. Sa vle di se Afriken ak pèp Ayisyen ki nwa. Yo menm yo pa gen anyen pou yo wè avèk ras nwa la  (Site nan Sagás).

 

Kòm mo Indio a son mo ki ofisyèlman akseptab nan sosyete Dominikèn nan kòm on ras kategori, majorite dominiken, nwa, marabou e milat, sosyete a klase yo kòm Indio. Se sèlman kèlke Dominiken sosyete a klase yo kòm nwa ou byen kòm Dominiken Afriken, sa baze de tèm on moun ki povoke on moun, on group moun ou byen on sosyete (Sagas 2006). An reyalite, tout fo ras kategori sa yo sosyete Dominikèn nan kreye a, se pou li kapab detache li de sous Afriken li an.  

 

Se de menm ideoloji bagay pa renmen ras nwa sa ki fè an 1937 Prezidan Dominiken an, Rafael Leonida Trujillo, te masakre plis ke 25,000 Ayisyen. Masak sa demontre trè klè se yon bagay ki fèt de pwoblèm rasyal. E Prezidan Trujillo pou tèt pal admèt ke li se yon moun ki pa renmen ras nwa la. Li masakre Ayisyen yo se pou evite popilasyon Dominiken an pa vin gen tròp moun nwa. Pou li sipòte aksyon dyab li a aprè masak la, li bloke paspò tout imigran moun nwa yo (Ayisyen sitou) pou yo pa rantre an Repiblik Dominikèn. E aprè sa li ouvri pòt pou Aziatic yo, blan Eropeen avèk blan Ameriken pou yo rantre an Repiblik Dominikèn pou yo kabab vin rantre nan relasyon seksyèl avèk fanm e gason Dominiken pou yo kabab fè ti moun po klè avèk ti moun ki kankou blan.

 

On Jukstapoze Analiz de Kontras Ki Trè Rezonab

 

Sepandan, on analiz de kontras sipoze diskite avèk lojik e rezon nan pwoblèm rasyal sa ki ekziste an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn nan. Repiblik Dominikèn genyen on repitasyon mondyal kòm on peyi ki rasis anpil. Gen anpil ekspèt sou l’istwa (istoryen), savan e ekriven ki toujou genyen on tandans a konsantre plis nan pwoblèm ras e poblèm jije moun sou koulè po yo ka-p pase an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn. Pandan setan, itoryen, savan e ekriven sa yo genyen on tandans a adrese lejèman (ou byen yo inyore li) menm pwoblèm ras sa avèk pwoblèm jije moun sou koulè po yo sa ka-p pase an dedan tout lòt ti peyi kite kolonize yo. Ayiti se youn nan peyi sa yo.  

 

Pandan Dominiken yo rayi ras nwa la, yo refize anbrase sous Afriken yo e milat Dominiken an avèk nwa Dominiken an prefere moun idantifye yo kòm Indio ou byen yo menm yo idantifye tèt yo kòm Indio, e an men’m tan Ayisyen koulè po klè yo e koule po nwa yo sanse deklare se desandan Afriken yo ye. Men, an dedan deklarasyon sa genyen on kontradiksyon e on hèn de koulè nwa ki ekziste ladann. 

Majorite milat Ayisyen yo panse ke koulè po klè yo a fè yo siperyè Asisyen koulè po nwa yo. E majorite Ayisyen koulè po nwa yo toujou gen anvi pou yo nan sèk Ayisyen (nenpòt moun) koulè po klè ou milat, ou byen pou yo renmen ou marye avèk Ayisyen ki gen koulè po klè, milat ou sa ki kankou blan yo (ou byen nenpòt nasyonalite moun nan), pou yo kapab fè ti moun po klè ou marabou (bagay prejije sou koulè po sa, son bagay ki baze sou on mantalite kankou koulè po nwa la son koulè malediksyon li ye).

 

Pa ekzanp, gen anpil bèl fanm Ayisyèn milat e nwa. Gen ladan yo ki senp ouvriye e gen ladan yo ki gen gwo profesyon. Jan de medam Ayisyèn sa yo yo prefere swazi gason Dominiken ki sòti nan nenpòt klas sosyal la ke gason Afriken ak gason nwa Ayisyen ki byen edike yo. Pou ki rezon? Jan de fanm Ayisyèn sa yo wè gason Dominiken sa yo kòm bèl gason poutèt koulè po klè yo a. E pandan setan, medam sa yo wè gason Afriken ak gason nwa Ayisyen ki byen edike yo kòm gason ki lèd poutèt koulè po nwa yo a.      

 

Menm jan de kwayans sa ale pou on seri de gason Ayisyen tou. Gen anpil gason ayisyen senp ouvriye avèk gason Ayisyen ki gen gwo profesyon ka-p depanse anpil lajan nan fanm Dominikèn ki sòti nan nenpòt klas sosyal la. Pouki rezon? Se paseke anpil gason Ayisyen koulè po nwa e milat renmen fanm koulè po klè. Donk, pou gason Ayisyen sa yo, yo trouve majorite fanm Dominikèn bèl poutèt yo gen koulè po klè. E pandan setan, le pli souvan, yo pa-p depanse lajan nan fanm Afrikèn ak ni nan fanm nwa Ayisyèn. 

Pouki rezon? Pou tèt fanm Afrikèn yo ak fanm nwa Ayisyèn yo gen koulè po nwa. Pou jan de gason Ayisyen sa yo, yo trouve tipikal fanm nwa yo lèd (lamou son bagay ki avèg. Vrè amou pa wè koulè. Men, li on pwoblèm lè moun ap renmen moun poutèt moun nan gen koulè po klè, epi karaktè ki enpòtan nan moun nan yo inyore li). Mesye Steele (1990: 43) di sa, "Malgre pwoblèm rasyal ki ekziste ant blan e nwa, moun koulè po nwa yo esperyanse diskriminasyon koulè ke tout lòt moun ki ekziste Ozeta Zini, si se pa nan tout mond lan."

 

Sepandan, diferans ki genyen ant Repiblik Dominikèn avèk lòt ti peyi ki te kolonize yo ak Ayiti, se paseke an Repiblik Dominikèn bagay jije ras sa avèk jije moun sou koulè po yo se yon Doktrin li ye nan sosyete Dominikèn nan. Rayi ras nwa la avèk pou jije moun sou koulè po yo se yon bagay kiltirèlman ki anseye nan lekòl, nan tout bagay sosyal an dedan peyi Repiblik Dominikèn, epi ki pase de generasyon an generasyon. 

Donk, se yon bagay ki antere nan sèvo majorite pèp Dominiken an (Sagas 2006). San dout, se pa on bagay ka pra-l fasil pou dezantere koronpi ideoloji sa nan tèt majorite Dominiken yo pou ta kapab fè yo vin wè rezon kòman tout moun se moun.

 

David Howard rapòte, gen menm yon seri de Dominiken ki anbrase sous Afriken yo epi ki senpatize avèk Ayisyen pòv sa yo ka-p travay kòm koupèt kann nan Repiblik Dominikèn, epi majorite Dominiken ap trete yo kòm esklav. Pou tèt sa, majorite Dominiken wè ti gwoup Dominiken sa yo ki senpatize avèk Ayisyen yo, epi ki anbrase sous Afriken yo kòm trèt (Site nan Baud 2002).  

 

Se la diferans lan chita ant Repiblik Dominikèn avek lòt ti peyi ki te kolonize yo. Sa vle di, Dominiken yo pa kache santiman yo de moun koulè po nwa yo yo pa renmen an. E tandike, nan lòt ti peyi ki te kolonize yo menm pwoblèm nan ekziste ladan yo. Men, pwoblèm koulè a pa ekspoze kankou jan li ekspoze nan soyeste Dominikèn nan. Nan on sans, pwoblèm pa renmen koulè moun po nwa sa li vin parèt pli konplike nan lòt ti peyi ki te kolonize yo.

 

Jodiya, gen kèlke jèn nan nouvèl generasyon Ayisyen an e Dominiken an ka-p pran on direksyon ki vle sanble gen on espwa pou on jou Ayisyen avèk Dominiken kapab viv avèk kè ouvri. Jèn sa yo trè detèmine nan angajman fondasyon gwoup chanjman sosyal, kankou Asosyasyon de Solidarite Dominiken avèk Kominote Ayisyen ki nan Nu Yòk Siti, Funto Salud Entènasyonal, Gwoup Ayisyen, Fanm Ayisyèn pou refije Ayisyen nan Buklin e Fodasyon Zile nan Repiblik Dominikèn e gen plis toujou….   

 

Men, premye objektif òganizasyon sa yo se pou yo wè si yo ta kapab etabli on fen nan hèn sa ki ekziste ant Ayiti e Repiblik Dominikèn nan e pou yo konbat enjistis avèk vi esklavaj sa imigran Ayisyen yo ap eksperyanse an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn. Yo òganize reyinyon pou Dominiken avèk Ayisyen ka konn lòt byen. E yo òganize aktivite fèt sosyal e benefis la ki fèt lan yo bay li kòm èd limanite pou ede moun pòv Ayisyen avèk moun pòv Dominiken, espesyalman Ayisyen pòv yo. Se yon siyal de bon espwa paske ansyen jèn generasyon Domoniken an pa-t nan rout d’espwa sa di tou. 

 

Pa ezanp, eleksyon prezidansyèl an 1996 lan an Repiblik Dominikèn nan ant kandida popilè Peña Gómez avèk kandida konsèvativ la, Leonel Fernández, demontre on bon siyal jan nouvèl generasyon Dominiken an ap oryante yo nan chemen rezonab panse e rezonab ideoloji. Kandida Gómez se yon Dominiken nwa li te ye (byen kwè e de paran Ayisyen). 

Joaquín Balaguer, on veritab sipòte Trujillo, on ekzajere nasyonalis e li te Prezidan Repiblik Dominikèn. Malgre tout vye komèsyal nan televizyon, radyo e papye sekrè ki baze de rasis e kont Ayisyen konsèvativ Joaquín Balaguer ta-p fè pou li te kapab sipòte kandida Leonel Fernández, jou eleksyon an, preske mwatye pèp Dominiken an vote pou kandida Pena Gómez—46%. E Leonel Fernández ki te eli kòm prezidan pase sèlman a 51.25% vot. Prèske 55% Dominiken te wè (e yo toujou wè) koulè po nwa la son pwoblèm li ye. Se poutèt sa yo pat vote pou Pena Gómez (Baud 2002).       

 

Byen ke nan on jan eleksyon prezidansyèl an 1996 lan an Repiblik Dominikèn nan montre siyal de pwogrè kòman on jou rezon kapab pote viktwa nan vye ideoloji kont Ayisyen an ki ekziste nan sosyete Dominiken an, nan on lòt jan, pwoblèm ras nwa la avèk jije moun sou koulè po yo toujou on gwo pwoblèm nan sosyete Dominiken an. Jiska prezan, majorite Dominiken toujou kwè ras nwa la avèk pèp Ayisyen an ki fè pati manb ras nwa la enferyè a yo menm. 

Pa konsekans, pou relasyon diplomatik, politik e ras ant Repiblik Dominikèn avèk Ayiti ta bon, son bagay ka-p trè difisil pou li ta pote siksè ou byen la victwa. Kòm hèn ki ekziste nan relasyon Ayiti avèk Sen Domeng lan son bagay ki shita plis sou ras avèk mizè (E lè se pwoblèm koulè po avèk ras nan lòm, diplomasi, ipokrizi avèk politik toujou an premye nan bagay sa. E se bagay sa yo ki pi difisil nan pwoblèm rasyal la).

 

Son bagay ki trè klè, mouvman ideoloji kont Ayisyen an an Repiblik Dominikèn son bagay ki poko prèt ap genyen on fen ladann. Nouvèl generasyon entèlektyèl Dominiken an kontinye aplike ideoloji kont Ayisyen an menm jan kankou lontan. Men senpleman, diskisyon yo sou kesyon de kilti avèk koulè po moun on ti jan diferan tou piti (Sagas 2006).

 

David Howard, nan teori li a de ideoloji majorite Dominiken ki pa renmen Ayisyen sa, li jwen ideoloji pa renmen Ayisyen sa son bagay ki kole nan ras idantite Dominiken an. Nan obsèvasyon li, li wè yo idantifye Dominiken ka-p viv Ozeta Zini kòm moun nwa. E Dominiken sa yo yo pran kilti Ameriken nwa yo avèk valè ou byen enpòtans. Men, David realize lè Dominiken sa yo ki ta-p viv Ozeta Zini an retounen an Repiblik Dominikèn, yo readapte yo ankò avèk menm ansyen fo ras yo envante a. Son fason pou yo detache yo avèk sous Afriken an (Journal of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy 2011). 

Epi David Howard jwen Dominiken sa yo ka-p viv nan Nu Yòk Siti an genyen on tandans a itilize langaj espayòl pou yo kapab separe tèt yo de Ameriken nwa yo. Epi li di ankò, kòm gen anpil Dominiken ka-p viv Ozeta Zini yo idantifye yo kòm nwa, donk jan de idantifikasyon rasyal sa motive yo a anbrase stil mizik rap Ameriken nwa. Men, anbrasman stil mizik rap Ameriken nwa sa yo anbrase a pa vle di ideoloji negativ yo genyen de ras nwa la ou byen ras sa yo envante pou tèt pa yo a pa ekziste ankò. Tout vye ideoloji yo genyen nan tèt yo de ras nwa la, yo toujou genyen yo nan tèt yo (Site nan Tavernier 2001).

 

Pasaj sa diskite deja nan atik la: nan domèn pwoblèm ras sa, ipokrizi avèk opòtinis se pi gwo defi ladann. Gen nan moun ki rasis yo, yo parèt ya-p viv an namoni avèk moun koulè po nwa se lè ya-p konfronte menm pwoblèm sikonstans lavi majorite moun nwa yo toujou ap konfronte a. Sa-a vle di, yo nan menm bato avèk moun koulè po nwa yo. Donk, sikonstans lavi fè yo parèt ya-p viv an tèt ansanm avèk moun koulè po nwa, men nan fon kè yo se pa vre. Sa vle di, tout hèn yo gen nan fon kè yo de ras nwa la toujou la. Donk, lè afè yo vin bon, yo retounen nan menm vye domèn rasis yo a.

 

Pa exanp, pandan peryòd revolisyon Ayisyen an (lè sa lil Ispayola potko divize ant Ayiti avèk Repiblic Dominikèn. Li te on sèl koloni), esklav ki nan pati L’Ès la, ki kounye a Repiblik Dominikèn, te toujou ap mete tèt yo ansanm avèk esklav ki nan pati L’Wès la, ki kounye a Ayiti, pou yo te batay avèk blan kolon yo. Men aprè sa, chak fwa youn nan gwoup esklav sa yo te retounen an aryè avèk twoup yo ou byen blan kolon yo te retounen an aryè avèk twoup pa yo, esklav ki nan pati L’Ès la te toujou retounen kenbe distans yo avèk esklav ki nan pati L’Wès la.

 

Pou ale pli lwen ke sa, te menm genyen on divizyon ki te ekziste tou nan pati L’Wès la. Pou ki sa? Paseke majorite esklav ki te nan pati L’Ès rejyon L’Wès la se te esklav koulè po klè ou byen milat yo te ye. E tout divizyon sa yo te baze sou ideoloji moun koulè po klè pi siperyè ke moun koulè po nwa. Esklav ki gen koulè po klè a te toujou panse e kwè ke li pi siperyè ke esklav ki gen koulè po nwa la. Donk, esklav koulè po klè pa-t kapab anba esklav koulè po nwa e pou ya-p pran lòd nan men esklav koulè po nwa.          

 

Kòm Tousen L’Ouvèti (Toussaint L’Ouverture), se fondatè revolisyon Ayisyen an, te toujou ap di sa, 'Se toujou moun koulè po nwa yo ki soufri plis." (Site nan James 1963: 152). Majorite moun ka-p viv nan lamizè an Ayiti se moun koulè po nwa yo. Ayisyen koulè po klè yo avèk Ayisyen sa ki sanble blan yo se yo ki gen plis privilèj nan tout bagay an dedan peyi a. Le pi souvan se yo ki kontrole ekonomi an nan peyi a. E nan sèk politik la, se yo ki toujou pi gwo sipotè vye politisyen avèk vye Prezidan ki pa-p fè anyen pou pèp la e peyi a. 

 

E se pa sèlman Ayisyen koulè po klè, milat e sa a ki kankou blan yo ki toujou ap sipòte vye gouvènman ki pa demokrat an Ayiti, men tout gouvènman Dominiken yo tou, sòti de pase e jiska prezan. Repiblik Dominiken toujou wè peyi D’Ayiti kòm on menas, malgre jan Ayiti ye la avèk tout gwo manman mizè sa yo ladann nan e avèk sèk politik la ki pa konsistan ladann nan. Donk, Repiblik Dominikèn toujou ap fè tout sal kapab pou-l kenbe Ayiti anba. Plis Ayiti okipe avèk gouvènman e sèk politik ki pa kosistan, plis Repiblik Dominiken ap santi li gen plis sekirite nasyonal e plis la-p santi li siperyè ke Ayiti nan tout bagay sosyal.  

 

Vye gouvènman e politik ki pa konsistan e gwo peyi kapitalis yo ki abandone e izole Ayiti pou lontan se bagay sa yo ki fè Ayiti trè pòv konsa. Istorikman, majorite peyi nan mond lan te toujou abandone e izole peyi D’Ayiti. Kèlke peyi kòmanse ap pote on ti atansyon sou Ayiti e yo bay on ti èd limanite se aprè peryòd tranblemann tè a. Avan tranblemann tè a, majorite peyi sa yo te abandone e inyore Ayiti. E tout peyi sa yo te toujou konnen gwo pwoblèm lamizè sa ki ekziste an dedan peyi D’Ayiti byen lontan. Pou ki sa tout peyi sa yo rete pou tout tan sa pou ede on peyi ki gen gwo manman mizè sa ladann. Se bagay sa yo yo rele diplomasi, politik ak ipokrizi.   

 

E se lamizè ki premye bagay ki fè Ayisyen sa yo ap travèse fontyè Repiblik Dominiken an pou ya-l chèche lavi. Si ekonomi peyi D’Ayiti te on ti jan kankou ekonomi Repiblik Dominikèn nan, Ayisyen sa yo pa ta-p janm travèse fontyè Dominiken an pou ya-l pran imilyasyon avèk tretman esklavaj nan men Dominiken e pou ya-p fè travay majorite Dominiken pa-p janm fè an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn.

 

Epi bagay ki pi enpòtan, sik la se li menm ki podwi nasyonal Repiblik Dominikèn nan. Donk, voye sik la al vann nan peyi Eta Zini avèk kèlke peyi an Eròp e an N’Azi se la ekonomi an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn nan chita. E 90% travayè ka-p koupe kann yo se Ayisyen yo ye. Paseke majorite Dominiken repiye jan de travay sa. Donk, yo chwazi pou yo pa fè-l. Nan on jan, travayè imigran Ayisyen sa yo gen enpòtans yo nan sosyete Dominikèn nan. Pèp Dominiken an ta sipoze trete Ayisyen sa yo avèk respè ki baze sou limanite, pa kankou esklav ki ta-p viv nan tan esklavaj la.    

 

Donk, si jodiya Ayiti nan pami peyi ki pi pòv nan mond lan e Dominiken ap diskrimine kiltirèlman e rasyalman kont Ayisyen ka-p viv an Ayiti yo e an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn yo, se pa rapò pwa lou peyi kapitalis yo laghe sou Ayiti, yo izole’l e Ayisyen ki visye, egoyis, trèt e mechan yo. Ayiti ta-p kapab toujou on peyi pòv, men pa pami peyi ki pi pòv yo nan mond lan.

Pou bann gwoup Ayisyen sa yo bagay pa renmen Ayisyen sa nan sosyete Dominikèn nan se kankou son bagay ki pa on reyalite pou yo. Yo ale an vakans an Repiblik Dominikèn tout tan pou yo ale depanse de santèn e de milye de dola. Gen yon seri ladan Ayisyen sa yo ki chaje ak lajan (milyonè e milti milyonè) yo menm enveste de milye de dola ou byen de milyon de dola an Repiblik Dominikèn.

Bagay ki pi rèd la, bann Ayisyen sa yo pa reyalize pandan yo prale an vakans an Repiblik Dominikèn pou ya-p depanse de santèn ou byen de milye de dola ou byen yo enveste santèn de milye de dola ou byen de milyon de dola an Repiblik Dominikèn, yo pa menm reyalize si ya-p ede ekonomi nasyonal Dominiken an pwogrese. Pandan setan gen menm plis ke 1 milyon Ayisyen ka-p viv an Repiblik Dominikèn Dominiken kankou esklav.

Kòm pasaj sa diskite deja: pwoblèm rasyal avèk pwoblèm jije moun sou koulè po yo pa ekziste sèlman an dedan Repiblik Dominikèn, men yo ekziste nan tout kote moun ap viv e nan tout peryòd de tan nan mond lan. Menm nan istwa la bib yo montre koulè po nwa la son koulè ki senbolize on bagay ki pa bon, ni nan tèm ekri e ni nan tèm foto. Nan 12 Apot Zezi Kri yo, Judas Iscariot (Jida), nan pami Apot yo se li menm sèlman ki te nwa ladan yo. Yo montre se li menm ki te trayi Zezi pou Jwif yo. Men lè ou gade, vye repitasyon imaj sa son bagay ki baze piman sou pwoblèm ras e sou pwoblèm koulè po moun.

Pwoblèm sa yo se pa la nati ki kreye yo. Se kilti moun avèk anvironman moun ki enflianse moun pou vin rasis avèk pou jije moun sou koulè po yo. Tout pwoblèm sa yo sòti nan vye mantalite on seri de gwoup moun ki akrèk pou lajan, gwoup moun ki inyoran e gwoup moun ki panse yo siperyè de lòt gwoup moun epi yo vle kontrole gwoup ke yo panse ki enferyè a yo menm nan. Pwoblèm rasyal sanse se li menm ki koz anpil lòt pwoblèm nan mond lan, kankou povrete avèk la ghè. Si èt imen te kapab antere inyorans epi pou yo ta aplike bon jijman nan vi yo pou yo ta kapab rekonèt sous e destine èt imen, petèt on jou èt imen te kapab viv avèk kè ouvri.      

Bagay afè de kategori ras e klasifikasyon koulè po moun èt imen etabli nan on sosyete a se pou yo kapab fè jijman ki ras ki pi siperyè ke on lòt ras, avèk ki koulè po moun ki pi siperyè ke on lòt koulè po moun. An reyalite, devan la lwa la nati, tout èt imen egal pa anba koulè po yo. Se sak fè tout èt imen an general enspire menm lè a, tout èt imen pataje menm kontantman, tout èt imen pataje menm doulè a, tout èt imen kriye pou menm bagay yo, tout èt imen pataje menm tristès la, tout èt imen pataje menm hèn nan e tout èt imen pataje menm destine a….  

 

Aprè tout bagay, avèk tan, pa gen anyen ki vle di shanjman enposib pou’l fèt... Kòm ansyen generasyon Dominiken ki gen konronpi kwayans, koronpi panse e koronpi ideoloji a prale, nouvo generasyon a pral parèt avèk rezonab kwayans, rezonab panse e rezonab ideoloji. Si gran moun ak jèn Dominiken yo retire nan tèt yo vye koronpi ideoloji bagay pa renmem Ayisyen sa, bagay pa renmen moun nwa e tout bagay ki fè pati zansèt Afriken sa ke yo mete nan tèt yo depi lontan epi pou yo sonje avèk bon jijman e rezon ki kote lòm sòti e ki destine tout lòm, vrè l'istwa kòman Ayiti avèk Repiblik Dominikèn fè pataje menm lil la, Ispayola, petèt on jou Ayisyen avèk Dominiken kapab viv avèk kè ouvri.      

 

 

 

Referans

 

 

 

Baud, M. 2002. Race and Nation in the Dominican Republic / Ras e Nasyon an Repiblik Dominikèn, KITLV, New West Indian Guide, aksè 18 Avril 2012            <http://www.kitlv-journals.nl>

 

James, C.L.R. 1962. The Black Jacobins / Jakoben Nwa. 2nd ed, New York: Vintage Books: A Division of Random House Inc.

Journal of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy. 2011. The Stigma of Blackness: Anti-Haitianism in the Dominican Republic / Disgras de Koulè Nwa La: Mouvman Kont Ayisyen an Dedan Repiblik Dominikèn, aksè 18 Avril 2012   

<http://sdonline.org/48/the-stigma-of-blackness-anti-haitianism-in-the-dominican-republic>

 

Sagás, E. An Apparent Contradiction? Popular Perceptions of Haiti and the Foreign Policy of the Dominican Republic / Son Kontradiksyon Ki Trè Klè? Pèsepsyon Popilè de Ayiti ak Politik Etranje de Repiblik Dominikèn, Bob Corbett corbetre@webster.edu, Aksè 18 Avril 2012 <http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/mistopic/dominican/conception.htm>

 

Sagás, E. A Case of Mistaken Identity: Antihaitianismo in Dominican Culture / Opozisyon kont Ayisyen nan kilti Dominiken an, Backintyme, aksè 18 Avril 2012 <http://thestudyofracialism.org>

 

Steele, S. 1990. The Content of Character / Aksepte/Anbrase Moun pou Karaktè Yo. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

 

Tavernier, LaToya A. 2001. The Stigma of Blackness: Anti-Haitianism in the Dominican Republic / Disgras de Koulè Nwa La: Mouvman Kont Ayisyen an Dedan Repiblik Dominikèn, Socialism and Democracy, aksè 18 Avril 2012 <http://sdoneline.org>